Thursday, March 31, 2011

Leadership Generation..


Interesting.. The missing factor is the Leadership Generation..
Most of the delayed and confused states is due to lake of leaders on the ground to motivate, guide, justify or sustaining the revolt..
Systematically, most of these long serving and corrupt regimes had similarly suffocated the weak fetuses of leadership along the decades.. Arabic wombs can't bear leaders or deliver them at the time being.. Maybe the coming future will change..
Why Leaders are so important..?
By history, culture and instincts, leaders are the pillars of human civilization..
Arabic culture in particular, is inevitably driven by Patriarchic and fatherly framework..
People may step down into the streets; but who would convince them to stay or to return back home..?
Thanks Ali BuRuhaima for sharing

Tuesday, March 29, 2011

Dr Faraj Foudah


Despite how Egypt is demographically capable to breed lots of excellent brains, yet most of them are seized by its own cultural attributes.. Therefore they often lose sustainable connections with other Arabs, Muslims, African and/or 3rd world visionaries..
Adding to this their weak and short memory on history and records..
Egyptians mix intelligence with fun (the traditional Fahlawh); which amuses Arabic speakers rather than concurs the depth of their epistemic world.. If the Egyptian Intellectual Address loses its Egyptian flavor, probably it will not travel 100 miles beyond its own borders..
In 2011, Arabs are no longer an extension of the Egyptian Code, but their own, while Egyptians are helplessly unguided diving to the unknown..!!

Sunday, March 20, 2011

Egypt Voting..


More than 77% of the correct votes had endorsed the modified clauses of Egyptian Constitution.. This represents 41% of 44 million eligible Egyptian voters in 2011.. Almost 60% are peasants and nomads; while women are only 30%.. Truly, it is a democratic victory as normally not more than 15% would attend any Egyptian referendum or election in the modern history..

Some outspoken observes described the endorsement as a reflection to the Islamists.. They claimed that Imams and Islamic groups had encouraged the voters to accept the amendments; otherwise the existing clause on Islam as the State Religion would be jeopardized. If the Constitution is fully rewritten, this clause would probably be erased by human rights activists.. It became a boring tone to play the religion tune whenever an excuse is needed..!!

Guys: It is all about two combined elements: Bell Syndrome and Frustration..

Bell Syndrome, is perfectly drafted by such results.. The intelligentsia had opposed the amendments, in favor of rewriting the entire declaration.. Among the educated youth and politically-enthusiastic ones, awareness had grown on the document as alive-one; that can’t stand fit with alteration.. To evolve and optimize the political culture in few months, the alteration doesn’t match their wishful thinking.. They need to imitate the Western Democracies, despite the fact that only very few of them know and understand the Western legal history..!!

Frustration, as many got annoyed and bored after nearly 50 days, with the severely-interrupted administration, security, economy and public order.. Egypt used to strong governments and governors, despite how long or short they serve office.. During the last 50 years, Egyptian had witnessed 3 contradicting types of Prime Ministers: a Mubarak’s one, who had no charisma.. An ousted one, who tried to Westernized his image and personality.. And a fresh technocrat who stands in the public queues.. None of them fits to lead, but maybe is excellent to manage..!!

Along with the “Yes”; Leadership Crisis in Egypt is now fully endorsed.. It will take some years to observe a true Egyptian leader in action.. Army, political parties, civic bodies and government are confirmed barren wombs for leadership..

During the last 40 years, the very assets of leadership were systematically vandalized in barracks, city halls, schools, homes and streets.. When a Parent is insulted in a movies, When a Teacher is humiliated in a school, when a Senior is not offered a respect, when a Rank means nothing, when Order becomes meaningless; do not seek leadership anymore..!!

Egypt was entirely robbed by the gangsters, the corrupt and the illusionists.. Yet, no one-in-any-uniform is capable to protect..!!

Friday, March 18, 2011

Rachel Corrie


The moment before her martyrdom..

I'm not sure how many Arabs know or appreciate Rachel..
Her name was often associated with Jewish Characters in early Egyptian movies..
Her Martyrdom was never Formally Advocated by any Arab..!!
Her story was never intelligently told..
The brutality she confronted was never properly utilized in any campaign..
Following the intellectual decline; are Arabs losing their moral distinctions as well..?
 
 

My name is Rachel Corrie. I'm an American pro Palestinians activist. In a day like today, eight years ago, March 16, 2003, only 23 then, I was crushed to death by an Israeli military bulldozer while trying to block the demolition of a Palestinian home.
 
If you or any part of your resources, including your place of worship, provide any type of support to Israel or any of the zionist regime and or supporters, then you are part of what lead to my, and many like myself, suffering/ death.

Zionism equate Racism in the western world. Israel occupying state/ oppressor is Racist. Not to take sides in an unequal contest is to take sides with the oppressor. We all know neutrality helps the oppressor(s), never the victim(s). Being indifferent align you/ add strength to the oppressor.

You feel overwhelmed/ do not know what to do? These simple steps will help save lives:

1. Learn about the differences between loving our Jewish family, friends and lovers and standing against zionism and zionist colonialists hate values. Zionism is not Judaism. Zionism is a racists political movement. Zionists and or supporters of zionism can be from any religious/ spiritual practice.

2. Stop buying any of Israel good. Its stolen. Hard? Try or at least be conscious of it.

3. Do not give money/ support to any groups/ agencies (Gov. or Community Base) that support zionism/ Israel. Locally or internationally.

4. Tell your faith base/ place of worship what is taking place in Palestine is nothing less than genocide. God is not racist and does not support the utter horror. Displacing natives from their homes because of their religion and or believes is not Godly. We are all God children. Any other teaching roots can be traced to racially deviated cultural practice.

5. I ask you to pray for Rachel and others ethnically cleansed/ exterminated/ removed by violent and terror inspiring means. If they told you that what God said, then I ask you to pray about such teachings.

6. I ask you to post Rachel Corrie picture for one day to keep her spirits present and allow others to learn about her story. Again, March 16 is Rachel murder date anniversary.

Yes, I give you my permission to share, edit, add to this note and assume it as yours/ your own.

Thanks to Adam Aba Husain..

Street Temptation..


By default worldwide, all security agencies would appreciate if people stay at their homes, work places or schools with limited outdoor activities; only to commute or to shop.. The less people are in the streets, the more security is intact, managed and controlled.. This is the simple equation to start with.. While it recommends to get the people off the streets, it never allows for the “Street-Temptation” to turn into a custom for the commons.. Because if they do, they will not go back home.. This was significantly repeated since the French Revolution, in Europe, Asia and lately across the Arab world..

Inevitably, people would like to walk around to socialize or entertain.. Socialization will slowly unify the consensus on all issues of interest.. Persons will exchange ideas, information and news in an easy one-to-one manner.. This would evolve to be a gathering, when a topic would attract more audiences.. While many people lack the capacity to assess the credibility of speakers or weighting what is said, then measuring how right or wrong becomes controversial.. Notably, the public consensus is only build up by continuation and resilience of the advocates.. If the outdoor gathering interprets such mood, then security agencies will start worry..

Once people step down to the streets, with their protest as loud as their fierce demand for change, lots of security appraisals would be reviewed to contain the situation.. This had called the use of violent anti-riot squads in Gdansk, Bangkok or lately in Athens.. Also when protest escalated, it had called the use of ugly armed forces in Budapest, Diyarbakir or lately in Bishkek.. Notably in these cases, there was a commander tries to contain a mutiny, rather than a governor tries to eliminate the opposition.. Between Mutiny and Opposition are the calls to: Replace the governing system not only the government, Denounce the executive powers which spoil the governors, or Question the privileges of sovereignty not the honor of nationalism.. Democracy, Freedom or Diligence are fine-tune clashes’ rather than true public demands.. The commons are always concerned on the basic needs of survival, or the security of such survival, rather than the luxuries of social or political ranking..

Typically and anonymously, the public system would continuously breed renewed leaders and leaderships.. This process is fetal for the humane existence and civilization.. Leaders are usually charismatic, eloquent, or just resilient.. Sometimes their social or professional attributes would present them to the focus.. Leadership is not necessarily associated with logic, nor partner with knowledge, but often reflects simple patriarchic or big-brotherhood syndromes; which subconsciously the street protesters would get lost without.. This is the true description of the current public unrest and unease across the Arab world; where no leaders are available or potentially identified..!!

There is an unfamiliar pragmatic role states that the only way to sustain any endeavor; is to enable the healthy breeding of new rivals.. A person’s life cycle is too short compared with any well-planned philosophy, activity or business.. Suppressing the opposition, masterminding loyalists or any dictatorship form would curse the endeavors with short life.. Without visionary and enlightened leaders, societies would quickly age and turn barren.. Without freshly sustainable leaders; street activities would inevitably lead to chaos..!

Change is never meant as an anti-boredom medication, but a healthy necessity to align processing of livelihood to our interests and wishful-thinking..



Bye Bye Pearl Roundabout..!!


The Bahraini Government had launched a new technique to contain the fierce protest.. Simply, they remove the symbolic location of the gathering: the Pearl Roundabout in Manamah.. They bet on how the place is significant to the consciousness of the people.. I believe they had received a sophisticated security advice from an unknown source.. This comprises psychological analysis and public behavior breakdown..

As how Arabs are a bit different due to their declined sociopolitical structures, it seems that such a procedure had carefully analyzed both behavioral and conceptual components of the Bahraini culture.. This is not different from the rest of the Arab population.. This is where such a move is critical, dangerous and unprecedented.. This is new tactic; if works, would be used by all Arabian dictatorships; which would reverse the current change momentum along the 350 million people..

If this pessimistic scenario happens, it is the end of the Arabic dreams of democracy, prosperity and dignity as well..!!

However, I hope that eliminating the place would not eliminate the Soul..!!

http://photoblog.msnbc.msn.com/_news/2011/03/18/6293994-bahrain-demolishes-pearl-roundabout-statue

Marriage & Death..



Marriage and Death, are the most celebrated events in peoples life.. The rituals for both are principally the same across all religions, doctrines, and cultures.. If something would deny racial categorization, it would be the core of Marriage’s concepts and ceremonies.. If something would deny social ranking, it would be Death’s agony and culture.. Religions, philosophies and doctrines would not gain publicity without addressing Marriage and Death along with War, Worship and Wealth.. There is a mysterious bond among these five core elements of human culture..!

In early civilizations, and limitedly till date, some groups would worship genitals as sacred symbol of marriage.. Notably, early humans had come to understand the mechanism of pregnancy and birth, yet were unable to understand the powers behind conceive and genetic transmition.. The announcement of marriage is mandatory; which draws ownership or parentship of the proposed kids; maintaining the personal ego and relationships.. There are many hidden signals within the publicity of marriage, which fairly merchandizes females from the custody of a parent to another of a husband.. Integrity of breeding mechanism is far big issue in both consciousness and subconsciousness of Mankind.. No wonder, that each religion had come with a set of regulations on marriage and all associated concerns..

The Neanderthals had discovered burying as a way to dignify their dead ones.. Those shallow graves were the evidence to know them after more than 30,000 years.. The spread of their territories around the Mediterranean had enabled to understand the evolve and evolution of Mankind.. Regardless of cremation, burial, water-dumping, or leave for the wilds to devour; the copse was agreed unvalued once rituals of death are done.. The dead body would be cleaned, perfumed and decorated as a start.. Then presented to the public in that lifeless state.. Dead face is exposed to identify, either publically to Klan’s or privately to kin’s.. Cries are endorsements of death rather than expressions of loss.. Sacredness of graveyards or cemeteries are related to living costumes rather than death itself..

This was a preamble for my never-done-academic research on Marriage and Death..!!
Therefore, it is emotionless..!!!

Sunday, March 13, 2011

Scenarios for New Egypt: a CPM


When I had posted my sample project on drawing the CPM for New Egypt.. I guess many did not take it serious.. It is petty, as it was serious, applicable and a sample on how to implement project management techniques in life..
However, I shall not reveal the solution process, but the Assumpltions and the Resultants..
Anyone feels interested, may contacts me for more elaboration..

It is 354 days from ousting the President, till have the Road Map is ready 
Considering that the processing is clear, which unfortunately is not in real life over there..!!!!

The question is which Scenario the Egyptians would intellegently choose..??




http://adilsud.blogspot.com/2011/02/project-towards-new-egypt.html

Tuesday, March 8, 2011

A New Journey..!



Time to leave..

With no packages, regrets or fears..

With no wishes, hopes or dreams..

Of course, it is too late to do..

Yet, nothing else to do..

I ran out of options, and time as well..

Hopefully, a day of true fulfillment would come across..!




"Looking for a Foriegn Passport or Long-Term Residence..
Any Advices..?"

Saturday, March 5, 2011

The Silent Indian National Anthem..



Unbelievable concept, performance and cast..
This is how "Nations" are solidly build..
Enough Hypocrisy, Illusions and Destruction within other "Nations"..!

Thanks Maliha for sharing..


Friday, March 4, 2011

WaW...!


The expression of letter 'WaW'; which is in reference to Al-Wadoud..
"The Loving"..
The symbol is sufi way of 'balance/harmony'.

Also single "WaW" represents Mevlana's sitting position..
Lot of meanining isnt it?
I heard a story of A wise man mentioned in the Qur'an who place his head down in front of a "WaW"..
Lot to talk about Adil, but the core is "LoVE"..
It is said ' if the "Alif" is key to the universe, the "WaW" is the universe itself..'

By Cenk Rullas



Excessive Pessimism..


The crisis of leadership in my Sudan is outrages.. It can’t deliver any good gestures on the future.. Maybe sociopolitics develops excessive pessimism, but reality in streets would indicate more..

A 40% slice of the country was chopped away, despite allegations and grassroots, it seriously occupied the media for only few days..
A female activist was raped, which is not new, nor brilliantly utilized to energize the commons..
Political parties with no legitimacy, fictions with corrupt agendas, and people with no guidance or guardians..

The cultural system in any healthy nation should enable the breeding of "Leaders" along their civilized path.. In most of Africa and Arabs, new leaders mean bloody struggles with the existing ones.. Therefore, the system is barren, unless a military commander would shake the grounds and enable the fertile patriotism to grow..!!

Once I dreamed of going back, today proceeding to flee away..!!




Colorism


Among my FB friends; Adam, Kathleen, Wendy and John; there was a debate initiated by Adam on how we perceive or deal with skin colors.. It was Interesting topic; and further interesting debate..

There are issues where the collective sub-consciousness drives and controls, regardless how smart or knowledgeable we are.. Among appreciation of Shem, comfort of Japheth and curse of Ham; the human identity had partially been structured.. Certainly intelligence had ruled out many insignificant issues to pave the path for civilization; yet some are irresistible to totally-free the sub-consciousness.. These impliedly define actions, quotes and/or glimpses that interpret how comfortable we are within our own skin, or with the skin of others..

I partially agree with Adam, as Islam had establish the fight against colorism; although how won or lost the war is controversial.. I agree with Wendy that look through the color would ignore the color not the colored.. I agree with Kathleen that color is an established fact that rules many aspects of communications.. However, I believe what John does with his kids is the breakthrough, but required to be global with Archbishop Desmond Tutu to manage..!


The children of Shem were: Elam, Asshur, Aram, Arpachshad and Lud, in addition to daughters.
Abraham, the patriarch of the Hebrews and Arabs, was one of the descendants of Arpachshad.

(The 1st century historian Flavius Josephus, among many others, recounted the tradition that these five sons were the progenitors of the nations of Elam, Assyria, Syria, Chaldea, and Lydia, respectively)

The children of Japheth were seven: Gomer, Magog, Tiras, Javan, Meshech, Tubal, and Madai.
Gomer: fathered Armenians, Cimmerians, Scythians, Cimbri, Welsh (Cymru), Irish, Germans, Huns, Franks, and Turks.
Magog: fathered Scythians, Slavs, Mongols, Hungarians (Magyar), Irish, Finns, Pamiris, and Pashtuns
Madai: fathered Medes, Indo-Iranians, Mitanni, Mannai, Persian, Tajiks, Balochis, Talishis, Mazandaris, Sengesaris and Tati.
Javan: fathered Greeks (Ionians)
Tubal: fathered Tabal, Tibareni, Georgians, Italics, Iberians, and Basques
Tiras: fathered Thracians, Getae, Goths, Jutes, Teutons, and Etruscans
Meshech: fathered Phrygians, Illyrians, Caucasian Iberia, Russians, and Georgians

(According to the Book of Jubilees (10:35-36), Madai had married a daughter of Shem, and preferred to live among Shem's descendants, rather than dwell in Japheth's allotted inheritance beyond the Black Sea; so he begged his brothers-in-law, Elam, Asshur and Arphaxad, until he finally received from them the land that was named after him, Media)

The children of Ham were four: Canaan, Mizraim, Cush and Phut
Canaan fathered the Canaanites,
Mizraim fathered the Egyptians,
Cush the Cushites, and
Phut the Libyans.


Kiss & Bow..

When I saw those moments, I did not believe my sight..

Italian premier Silvio Berlusconi yesterday in Lybia (Sirte) during the Arab league Summit he literally is kissing the hands of the Lybian leader Muammar al-Gaddafi , this is mind blowing knowing that Berlusconi is a far right politician a couple of years ago in a speech he declared that 'the Arab culture was inferior to the western values' , i am starting to wonder what kind of leader we have , Obama who bows twice to the Saudi king and to the Japanese emperor , now Berlusconi kissing the hands of Muammar al-Gaddafi who just few years ago was considered a terrorist leader
http://economycollapse.blogspot.com/


Wednesday, March 2, 2011

Why Arabs Lose Wars


Despite the author is a military instructor.. He managed to put a finger on the bleeding Arabic wound.. Despite how old the article was, it stills valid, as the implemented changes on the systems are still experimental and limited..


by Norvell B. De Atkine
Middle East Quarterly
December 1999

http://www.meforum.org/441/why-arabs-lose-wars

Norvell De Atkine, a U.S. Army retired colonel with eight years residence in Lebanon, Jordan, and Egypt, and a graduate degree in Arab studies from the American University of Beirut, is currently instructing U.S. Army personnel assigned to Middle Eastern areas. The opinions expressed here are strictly his own.

Arabic-speaking armies have been generally ineffective in the modern era. Egyptian regular forces did poorly against Yemeni irregulars in the 1960s.1 Syrians could only impose their will in Lebanon during the mid-1970s by the use of overwhelming weaponry and numbers.2 Iraqis showed ineptness against an Iranian military ripped apart by revolutionary turmoil in the 1980s and could not win a three-decades-long war against the Kurds.3 The Arab military performance on both sides of the 1990 Kuwait war was mediocre.4 And the Arabs have done poorly in nearly all the military confrontations with Israel. Why this unimpressive record? There are many factors—economic, ideological, technical—but perhaps the most important has to do with culture and certain societal attributes which inhibit Arabs from producing an effective military force.

It is a truism of military life that an army fights as it trains, and so I draw on my many years of firsthand observation of Arabs in training to draw conclusions about the ways in which they go into combat. The following impressions derive from personal experience with Arab military establishments in the capacity of U.S. military attaché and security assistance officer, observer officer with the British-officer Trucial Oman Scouts (the security force in the emirates prior to the establishment of the United Arab Emirates), as well as some thirty year's study of the Middle East.

False Starts
Including culture in strategic assessments has a poor legacy, for it has often been spun from an ugly brew of ignorance, wishful thinking, and mythology. Thus, the U.S. army in the 1930s evaluated the Japanese national character as lacking originality and drew the unwarranted conclusion that the country would be permanently disadvantaged in technology.5 Hitler dismissed the United States as a mongrel society6 and consequently underestimated the impact of America's entry into the war. As these examples suggest, when culture is considered in calculating the relative strengths and weaknesses of opposing forces, it tends to lead to wild distortions, especially when it is a matter of understanding why states unprepared for war enter into combat flushed with confidence. The temptation is to impute cultural attributes to the enemy state that negate its superior numbers or weaponry. Or the opposite: to view the potential enemy through the prism of one's own cultural norms. American strategists assumed that the pain threshold of the North Vietnamese approximated their own and that the air bombardment of the North would bring it to its knees.7 Three days of aerial attacks were thought to be all the Serbs could withstand; in fact, seventy-eight days were needed.

It is particularly dangerous to make facile assumptions about abilities in warfare based on past performance, for societies evolve and so does the military subculture with it. The dismal French performance in the 1870 Franco-Prussian war led the German high command to an overly optimistic assessment prior to World War I.8 The tenacity and courage of French soldiers in World War I led everyone from Winston Churchill to the German high command vastly to overestimate the French army's fighting abilities.9 Israeli generals underestimated the Egyptian army of 1973 based on Egypt's hapless performance in the 1967 war.10

Culture is difficult to pin down. It is not synonymous with an individual's race nor ethnic identity. The history of warfare makes a mockery of attempts to assign rigid cultural attributes to individuals—as the military histories of the Ottoman and Roman empires illustrate. In both cases it was training, discipline, esprit, and élan which made the difference, not the individual soldiers' origin.11 The highly disciplined, effective Roman legions, for example, were recruited from throughout the Roman empire, and the elite Ottoman Janissaries (slave soldiers) were Christians forcibly recruited as boys from the Balkans.

The Role of Culture
These problems notwithstanding, culture does need to be taken into account. Indeed, awareness of prior mistakes should make it possible to assess the role of cultural factors in warfare. John Keegan, the eminent historian of warfare, argues that culture is a prime determinant of the nature of warfare. In contrast to the usual manner of European warfare which he terms "face to face," Keegan depicts the early Arab armies in the Islamic era as masters of evasion, delay, and indirection.12 Examining Arab warfare in this century leads to the conclusion that Arabs remain more successful in insurgent, or political warfare13—what T. E. Lawrence termed "winning wars without battles."14 Even the much-lauded Egyptian crossing of the Suez in 1973 at its core entailed a masterful deception plan. It may well be that these seemingly permanent attributes result from a culture that engenders subtlety, indirection, and dissimulation in personal relationships.15

Along these lines, Kenneth Pollack concludes his exhaustive study of Arab military effectiveness by noting that "certain patterns of behavior fostered by the dominant Arab culture were the most important factors contributing to the limited military effectiveness of Arab armies and air forces from 1945 to 1991."16 These attributes included over-centralization, discouraging initiative, lack of flexibility, manipulation of information, and the discouragement of leadership at the junior officer level.

The barrage of criticism leveled at Samuel Huntington's notion of a "clash of civilizations"17 in no way lessens the vital point he made—that however much the grouping of peoples by religion and culture rather than political or economic divisions offends academics who propound a world defined by class, race, and gender, it is a reality, one not diminished by modern communications.

But how does one integrate the study of culture into military training? At present, it has hardly any role. Paul M. Belbutowski, a scholar and former member of the U.S. Delta Force, succinctly stated a deficiency in our own military education system: "Culture, comprised of all that is vague and intangible, is not generally integrated into strategic planning except at the most superficial level."18 And yet it is precisely "all that is vague and intangible" which defines low-intensity conflicts. The Vietnamese communists did not fight the war the United States had trained for, nor did the Chechens and Afghans fight the war the Russians prepared for. This entails far more than simply retooling weaponry and retraining soldiers. It requires an understanding of the enemy's cultural mythology, history, attitude toward time, etc.—demanding a more substantial investment in time and money than a bureaucratic organization is likely to authorize.

Mindful of walking through a minefield of past errors and present cultural sensibilities, I offer some assessments of the role of culture in the military training of Arabic-speaking officers. I confine myself principally to training for two reasons. First, I observed much training but only one combat campaign (the Jordanian Army against the Palestine Liberation Organization in 1970). Secondly, armies fight as they train. Troops are conditioned by peacetime habits, policies, and procedures; they do not undergo a sudden metamorphosis that transforms civilians in uniform into warriors. General George Patton was fond of relating the story about Julius Caesar, who "In the winter time ... so trained his legions in all that became soldiers and so habituated them to the proper performance of their duties, that when in the spring he committed them to battle against the Gauls, it was not necessary to give them orders, for they knew what to do and how to do it."19

Information as Power
In every society information is a means of making a living or wielding power, but Arabs husband information and hold it especially tightly. U.S. trainers have often been surprised over the years by the fact that information provided to key personnel does not get much further than them. Having learned to perform some complicated procedure, an Arab technician knows that he is invaluable so long as he is the only one in a unit to have that knowledge; once he dispenses it to others he no longer is the only font of knowledge and his power dissipates. This explains the commonplace hoarding of manuals, books, training pamphlets, and other training or logistics literature. On one occasion, an American mobile training team working with armor in Egypt at long last received the operators' manuals that had laboriously been translated into Arabic.

The American trainers took the newly-minted manuals straight to the tank park and distributed them to the tank crews. Right behind them, the company commander, a graduate of the armor school at Fort Knox and specialized courses at the Aberdeen Proving Grounds ordnance school, collected the manuals from the crews. Questioned why he did this, the commander said that there was no point in giving them to the drivers because enlisted men could not read. In point of fact, he did not want enlisted men to have an independent source of knowledge. Being the only person who can explain the fire control instrumentation or boresight artillery weapons brings prestige and attention. In military terms this means that very little cross-training is accomplished and that, for instance in a tank crew, the gunners, loaders, and drivers might be proficient in their jobs but are not prepared to fill in for a casualty. Not understanding one another's jobs also inhibits a smoothly functioning crew. At a higher level it means there is no depth in technical proficiency.

Education Problems
Training tends to be unimaginative, cut and dried, and not challenging. Because the Arab educational system is predicated on rote memorization, officers have a phenomenal ability to commit vast amounts of knowledge to memory. The learning system tends to consist of on-high lectures, with students taking voluminous notes and being examined on what they were told. (It also has interesting implications for foreign instructors; for example, his credibility is diminished if he must resort to a book.) The emphasis on memorization has a price, and that is in diminished ability to reason or engage in analysis based upon general principles. Thinking outside the box is not encouraged; doing so in public can damage a career. Instructors are not challenged and neither, in the end, are students.

Head-to-head competition among individuals is generally avoided, at least openly, for it means that someone wins and someone else loses, with the loser humiliated. This taboo has particular import when a class contains mixed ranks. Education is in good part sought as a matter of personal prestige, so Arabs in U.S. military schools take pains to ensure that the ranking member, according to military position or social class, scores the highest marks in the class. Often this leads to "sharing answers" in class—often in a rather overt manner or junior officers concealing scores higher than their superior's.

American military instructors dealing with Middle Eastern students learn to ensure that, before directing any question to a student in a classroom situation, particularly if he is an officer, the student does possess the correct answer. If this is not assured, the officer will feel he has been set up for public humiliation. Furthermore, in the often-paranoid environment of Arab political culture, he will believe this setup to have been purposeful. This student will then become an enemy of the instructor and his classmates will become apprehensive about their also being singled out for humiliation—and learning becomes impossible.

Officers vs. Soldiers
Arab junior officers are well trained on the technical aspects of their weapons and tactical know-how, but not in leadership, a subject given little attention. For example, as General Sa‘d ash-Shazli, the Egyptian chief of staff, noted in his assessment of the army he inherited prior to the 1973 war, they were not trained to seize the initiative or volunteer original concepts or new ideas.20 Indeed, leadership may be the greatest weakness of Arab training systems. This problem results from two main factors: a highly accentuated class system bordering on a caste system, and lack of a non-commissioned-officer development program.

Most Arab officers treat enlisted soldiers like sub-humans. When the winds in Egypt one day carried biting sand particles from the desert during a demonstration for visiting U.S. dignitaries, I watched as a contingent of soldiers marched in and formed a single rank to shield the Americans; Egyptian soldiers, in other words, are used on occasion as nothing more than a windbreak. The idea of taking care of one's men is found only among the most elite units in the Egyptian military. On a typical weekend, officers in units stationed outside Cairo will get in their cars and drive off to their homes, leaving the enlisted men to fend for themselves by trekking across the desert to a highway and flagging down busses or trucks to get to the Cairo rail system. Garrison cantonments have no amenities for soldiers. The same situation, in various degrees, exists elsewhere in the Arabic-speaking countries—less so in Jordan, even more so in Iraq and Syria.

The young draftees who make up the bulk of the Egyptian army hate military service for good reason and will do almost anything, including self-mutilation, to avoid it. In Syria the wealthy buy exemptions or, failing that, are assigned to noncombatant organizations. As a young Syrian told me, his musical skills came from his assignment to a Syrian army band where he learned to play an instrument. In general, the militaries of the Fertile Crescent enforce discipline by fear; in countries where a tribal system still is in force, such as Saudi Arabia, the innate egalitarianism of the society mitigates against fear as the prime motivator, so a general lack of discipline pervades.21

The social and professional gap between officers and enlisted men is present in all armies, but in the United States and other Western forces, the noncommissioned officer (NCO) corps bridges it. Indeed, a professional NCO corps has been critical for the American military to work at its best; as the primary trainers in a professional army, NCOs are critical to training programs and to the enlisted men's sense of unit esprit. Most of the Arab world either has no NCO corps or it is non-functional, severely handicapping the military's effectiveness. With some exceptions, NCOs are considered in the same low category as enlisted men and so do not serve as a bridge between enlisted men and officers. Officers instruct but the wide social gap between enlisted man and officer tends to make the learning process perfunctory, formalized, and ineffective. The show-and-tell aspects of training are frequently missing because officers refuse to get their hands dirty and prefer to ignore the more practical aspects of their subject matter, believing this below their social station. A dramatic example of this occurred during the Gulf war when a severe windstorm blew down the tents of Iraqi officer prisoners of war. For three days they stayed in the wind and rain rather than be observed by enlisted prisoners in a nearby camp working with their hands.

The military price for this is very high. Without the cohesion supplied by NCOs, units tend to disintegrate in the stress of combat. This is primarily a function of the fact that the enlisted soldiers simply do not trust their officers. Once officers depart the training areas, training begins to fall apart as soldiers begin drifting off. An Egyptian officer once explained to me that the Egyptian army's catastrophic defeat in 1967 resulted from a lack of cohesion within units. The situation, he said, had only marginally improved in 1973. Iraqi prisoners in 1991 showed a remarkable fear and enmity toward their officers.

Decision-making and Responsibility
Decisions are made and delivered from on high, with very little lateral communication. This leads to a highly centralized system, with authority hardly ever delegated. Rarely does an officer make a critical decision on his own; instead, he prefers the safe course of being identified as industrious, intelligent, loyal—and compliant. Bringing attention to oneself as an innovator or someone prone to make unilateral decisions is a recipe for trouble. As in civilian life, conformism is the overwhelming societal norm; the nail that stands up gets hammered down. Orders and information flow from top to bottom; they are not to be reinterpreted, amended, or modified in any way.

U.S. trainers often experience frustration obtaining a decision from a counterpart, not realizing that the Arab officer lacks the authority to make the decision—a frustration amplified by the Arab's understandable reluctance to admit that he lacks that authority. This author has several times seen decisions that could have been made at the battalion level concerning such matters as class meeting times and locations requiring approval from the ministry of defense. All of which has led American trainers to develop a rule of thumb: a sergeant first class in the U.S. Army has as much authority as a colonel in an Arab army. Methods of instruction and subject matter are dictated from higher authorities. Unit commanders have very little to say about these affairs. The politicized nature of the Arab militaries means that political factors weigh heavily and frequently override military considerations. Officers with initiative and a predilection for unilateral action pose a threat to the regime. This can be seen not just at the level of national strategy but in every aspect of military operations and training. If Arab militaries became less politicized and more professional in preparation for the 1973 war with Israel,22 once the fighting ended, old habits returned. Now, an increasingly bureaucratized military establishment weighs in as well. A veteran of the Pentagon turf wars will feel like a kindergartner when he encounters the rivalries that exist in the Arab military headquarters.

Taking responsibility for a policy, operation, status, or training program rarely occurs. U.S. trainers can find it very frustrating when they repeatedly encounter Arab officers placing blame for unsuccessful operations or programs on the U.S. equipment or some other outside source. A high rate of non-operational U.S. equipment is blamed on a "lack of spare parts"—pointing a finger at an unresponsive U.S. supply system despite the fact that American trainers can document ample supplies arriving in country and disappearing in a malfunctioning supply system. (Such criticism was never caustic or personal and often so indirect and politely delivered that it wasn't until after a meeting that oblique references were understood.) This imperative works even at the most exalted levels. During the Kuwait war, Iraqi forces took over the town of Khafji in northeast Saudi Arabia after the Saudis had evacuated the place. General Khalid bin Sultan, the Saudi ground forces commander, requested a letter from General Norman Schwarzkopf, stating it was the U.S. general who ordered an evacuation from the Saudi town.23 And in his account of the Khafji battle, General Bin Sultan predictably blames the Americans for the Iraqi occupation of the town.24 In reality the problem was that the light Saudi forces in the area left the battlefield.25 The Saudis were in fact outgunned and outnumbered by the Iraqi unit approaching Khafji but Saudi pride required that foreigners be blamed.

As for equipment, a vast cultural gap exists between the U.S. and Arab maintenance and logistics systems. The Arab difficulties with U.S. equipment are not, as sometimes simplistically believed, a matter of "Arabs don't do maintenance," but something much deeper. The American concept of a weapons system does not convey easily. A weapons system brings with it specific maintenance and logistics procedures, policies, and even a philosophy, all of them based on U.S. culture, with its expectations of a certain educational level, sense of small unit responsibility, tool allocation, and doctrine. Tools that would be allocated to a U.S. battalion (a unit of some 600-800 personnel) would most likely be found at a much higher level—probably two or three echelons higher—in an Arab army. The expertise, initiative and, most importantly, the trust indicated by delegation of responsibility to a lower level are rare. The U.S. equipment and its maintenance are predicated on a concept of repair at the lowest level and therefore require delegation of authority. Without the needed tools, spare parts, or expertise available to keep equipment running, and loathe to report bad news to his superiors, the unit commander looks for scapegoats. All this explains why I many times heard in Egypt that U.S. weaponry is "too delicate."

I have observed many in-country U.S. survey teams: invariably, hosts make the case for acquiring the most modern of military hardware and do everything to avoid issues of maintenance, logistics, and training. They obfuscate and mislead to such an extent that U.S. teams, no matter how earnest their sense of mission, find it nearly impossible to help. More generally, Arab reluctance to be candid about training deficiencies makes it extremely difficult for foreign advisors properly to support instruction or assess training needs.

Combined Arms Operations
A lack of cooperation is most apparent in the failure of all Arab armies to succeed at combined arms operations. A regular Jordanian army infantry company, for example, is man-for-man as good as a comparable Israeli company; at battalion level, however, the coordination required for combined arms operations, with artillery, air, and logistics support, is simply absent. Indeed, the higher the echelon, the greater the disparity. This results from infrequent combined arms training; when it does take place, it is intended to impress visitors (which it does—the dog-and-pony show is usually done with uncommon gusto and theatrical talent) rather than provide real training.

This problem results from three main factors. First, the well-known lack of trust among Arabs for anyone outside their own family adversely affects offensive operations.26 Exceptions to this pattern are limited to elite units (which throughout the Arab world have the same duty—to protect the regime, rather than the country). In a culture in which almost every sphere of human endeavor, including business and social relationships, is based on a family structure, this orientation is also present in the military, particularly in the stress of battle. Offensive action, basically, consists of fire and maneuver. The maneuver element must be confident that supporting units or arms are providing covering fire. If there is a lack of trust in that support, getting troops moving forward against dug-in defenders is possible only by officers getting out front and leading, something that has not been a characteristic of Arab leadership.

Second, the complex mosaic system of peoples creates additional problems for training, as rulers in the Middle East make use of the sectarian and tribal loyalties to maintain power. The ‘Alawi minority controls Syria, East Bankers control Jordan, Sunnis control Iraq, and Nejdis control Saudi Arabia. This has direct implications for the military, where sectarian considerations affect assignments and promotions. Some minorities (such the Circassians in Jordan or the Druze in Syria) tie their well-being to the ruling elite and perform critical protection roles; others (such as the Shi‘a of Iraq) are excluded from the officer corps. In any case, the assignment of officers based on sectarian considerations works against assignments based on merit.

The same lack of trust operates at the interstate level, where Arab armies exhibit very little trust of each other, and with good reason. The blatant lie Gamal Abdel Nasser told King Husayn in June 1967 to get him into the war against Israel—that the Egyptian air force was over Tel Aviv (when most of its planes had been destroyed)—was a classic example of deceit.27 Sadat's disingenuous approach to the Syrians to entice them to enter the war in October 1973 was another (he told them that the Egyptians were planning total war, a deception which included using a second set of operational plans intended only for Syrian eyes).28 With this sort of history, it is no wonder that there is very little cross or joint training among Arab armies and very few command exercises. During the 1967 war, for example, not a single Jordanian liaison officer was stationed in Egypt, nor were the Jordanians forthcoming with the Egyptian command.29

Third, Middle Eastern rulers routinely rely on balance-of-power techniques to maintain their authority.30 They use competing organizations, duplicate agencies, and coercive structures dependent upon the ruler's whim. This makes building any form of personal power base difficult, if not impossible, and keeps the leadership apprehensive and off-balance, never secure in its careers or social position. The same applies within the military; a powerful chairman of the joint chiefs is inconceivable.

Joint commands are paper constructs that have little actual function. Leaders look at joint commands, joint exercises, combined arms, and integrated staffs very cautiously for all Arab armies are a double-edged sword. One edge points toward the external enemy and the other toward the capital. The land forces are at once a regime-maintenance force and threat at the same time. No Arab ruler will allow combined operations or training to become routine; the usual excuse is financial expense, but that is unconvincing given their frequent purchase of hardware whose maintenance costs they cannot afford. In fact, combined arms exercises and joint staffs create familiarity, soften rivalries, erase suspicions, and eliminate the fragmented, competing organizations that enable rulers to play off rivals against one another. This situation is most clearly seen in Saudi Arabia, where the land forces and aviation are under the minister of defense, Prince Sultan, while the National Guard is under Prince Abdullah, the deputy prime minister and crown prince. In Egypt, the Central Security Forces balance the army. In Iraq and Syria, the Republican Guard does the balancing.

Politicians actually create obstacles to maintain fragmentation. For example, obtaining aircraft from the air force for army airborne training, whether it is a joint exercise or a simple administrative request for support of training, must generally be coordinated by the heads of services at the ministry of defense; if a large number of aircraft are involved, this probably requires presidential approval. Military coups may be out of style, but the fear of them remains strong. Any large-scale exercise of land forces is a matter of concern to the government and is closely observed, particularly if live ammunition is being used. In Saudi Arabia a complex system of clearances required from area military commanders and provincial governors, all of whom have differing command channels to secure road convoy permission, obtaining ammunition, and conducting exercises, means that in order for a coup to work, it would require a massive amount of loyal conspirators. Arab regimes have learned how to be coup-proof.

Security and Paranoia
Arab regimes classify virtually everything vaguely military. Information the U.S. military routinely publishes (about promotions, transfers, names of unit commanders, and unit designations) is top secret in Arabic-speaking countries. To be sure, this does make it more difficult for the enemy to construct an accurate order of battle, but it also feeds the divisive and compartmentalized nature of the military forces. The obsession with security

can reach ludicrous lengths. Prior to the 1973 war, Sadat was surprised to find that within two weeks of the date he had ordered the armed forces be ready for war, his minister of war, General Muhammad Sadiq, had failed to inform his immediate staff of the order. Should a war, Sadat wondered, be kept secret from the very people expected to fight it?31 One can expect to have an Arab counterpart or key contact to be changed without warning and with no explanation as to his sudden absence. This might well be simply a transfer a few doors down the way, but the vagueness of it all leaves foreigners with dire scenarios—scenarios that might be true. And it is best not to inquire too much; advisors or trainers who seem overly inquisitive may find their access to host military information or facilities limited.

The presumed close U.S.-Israel relationship, thought to be operative at all levels, aggravates and complicates this penchant for secrecy. Arabs believe that the most mundane details about them are somehow transmitted to the Mossad via a secret hotline.This explains why a U.S. advisor with Arab forces is likely to be asked early and often about his opinion of the "Palestine problem," then subjected to monologues on the presumed Jewish domination of the United States.

Indifference to Safety
In terms of safety measures, there is a general laxness, a seeming carelessness and indifference to training accidents, many of which could have been prevented by minimal efforts. To the (perhaps overly) safety-conscious Americans, Arab societies appear indifferent to casualties and show a seemingly lackadaisical approach to training safety. There are a number of explanations for this. Some would point to the inherent fatalism within Islam,32 and certainly anyone who has spent considerable time in Arab taxis would lend credence to that theory, but perhaps the reason is less religiously based and more a result of political culture. As any military veteran knows, the ethos of a unit is set at the top; or, as the old saying has it, units do those things well that the boss cares about. When the top political leadership displays a complete lack of concern for the welfare of its soldiers, such attitudes percolate down through the ranks. Exhibit A was the betrayal of Syrian troops fighting Israel in the Golan in 1967: having withdrawn its elite units, the Syrian government knowingly broadcast the falsehood that Israeli troops had captured the town of Kuneitra, which would have put them behind the largely conscript Syrian army still in position. The leadership took this step to pressure the great powers to impose a truce, though it led to a panic by the Syrian troops and the loss of the Golan Heights.33

Conclusion
It would be difficult to exaggerate the cultural gulf separating American and Arab military cultures. In every significant area, American military advisors find students who enthusiastically take in their lessons and then resolutely fail to apply them. The culture they return to—the culture of their own armies in their own countries—defeats the intentions with which they took leave of their American instructors.

When they had an influence on certain Arab military establishments, the Soviets reinforced their clients' cultural traits far more than, in more recent years, Americans were able to. Like the Arabs', the Soviets' military culture was driven by political fears bordering on paranoia. The steps taken to control the sources (real or imagined) of these fears, such as a rigidly centralized command structure, were readily understood by Arab political and military elites. The Arabs, too, felt an affinity for the Soviet officer class's contempt for ordinary soldiers and the Soviet military hierarchy's distrust of a well-developed, well-appreciated, well-rewarded NCO corps.

Arab political culture is based on a high degree of social stratification, very much like that of the defunct Soviet Union and very much unlike the upwardly mobile, meritocratic, democratic United States. Arab officers do not see any value in sharing information among themselves, let alone with their men. In this they follow the example of their political leaders, who not only withhold information from their own allies, but routinely deceive them. Training in Arab armies reflects this: rather than prepare as much as possible for the multitude of improvised responsibilities that are thrown up in the chaos of battle, Arab soldiers, and their officers, are bound in the narrow functions assigned them by their hierarchy. That this renders them less effective on the battlefield, let alone places their lives at greater risk, is scarcely of concern, whereas, of course, these two issues are dominant in the American military culture, and are reflected in American military training.

Change is unlikely to come until it occurs in the larger Arab political culture, although the experience of other societies (including our own) suggests that the military can have a democratizing influence on the larger political culture, as officers bring the lessons of their training first into their professional environment, then into the larger society. It obviously makes a big difference, however, when the surrounding political culture is not only avowedly democratic (as are many Middle Eastern states), but functionally so. Until Arab politics begin to change at fundamental levels, Arab armies, whatever the courage or proficiency of individual officers and men, are unlikely to acquire the range of qualities which modern fighting forces require for success on the battlefield. For these qualities depend on inculcating respect, trust, and openness among the members of the armed forces at all levels, and this is the marching music of modern warfare that Arab armies, no matter how much they emulate the corresponding steps, do not want to hear.